It’s a measure of our times of political transition that the debate about Pancasila as state identity (dasar negara) continues even after President Yudhoyono’s reaffirmation of the precepts as the “fundamental basis of our national life” on June 1, 2006, at the 61st anniversary of the birth of Pancasila speech proclaimed by the late President Soekarno on June 1, 1945, a few months before Indonesia’s declaration of independence on August 17, 1945. President Yudhoyono emphasized the need to fulfill the basic consensus since 1945: Pancasila, the 1945 Constitution, The Unitary State of Indonesia, Diversity in Unity.

Some Islamist groups had alarmed minority and non-Islamic communities with their fervent call for a stricter adherence to a more Islamic precept of social, economic and political life by pushing for an all-encompassing official restriction on “amoral and lewd” behavior, giving rise to fears that other communities will have to be subjected to legal norms contravening their respective personal and public code of conduct. Several regional governments have issued edicts applying shariah law for public behavior. The Ministry of Home Affairs is reviewing some of these edicts, which may directly contravene basic provisions of the Indonesian Constitution of 1945.


The Declaration on Indonesian-ness (Maklumat Ke-Indonesiaan) which was read in front of President Yudhoyono and cabinet ministers on the June 1, 2006, anniversary celebrations recently drew reaction from a member of the Indonesian Council of Ulama (Majelis Ulama Indonesia), who derided the petitioners of Indonesian-ness as being “overly fearful of Islam” and in danger of propounding “outright secularism nationalism.”

The fact of the matter is that Soekarno on June 1, 1945, affirmed that Indonesia’s state identity was not overly secular (as in India), nor was it strictly theocratic (as in Saudi Arabia). Soekarno had appealed to Islamic participants in the Preparatory Committee to Prepare Indonesian Independence to accept the fact that the Indonesian state was to be established based on “an agreement on fundamentals” by all ethnic, racial, provincial as well as religious groups across the former Netherlands Indies who had fought for founding the Indonesian Republic. Soekarno also emphasized that there is an enduring “mythical unity” in the consciousness of all Indonesians that pluralism was an important feature of “being Indonesian”. Nationalist, Islamist and all other beliefs and faiths would be united through a “sublime union of all Indonesians.”

Being an Indonesian Muslim, therefore, necessitates a wider and more tolerant _expression of one’s sense of being Indonesian with all its rich impulses arising from family, ethnicity, provincial identity, racial heritage and the “enrichment of Islam through understanding the beliefs and and precepts of other faiths.” Throughout Muslim Indonesia, therefore, there are diverse interpretations of precepts, of application and indeed of rituals among Javanese (Central and East Java) just as there would be variations among Sundanese, Minangkabau/Padang, Makassar and Bugis as indeed among Acehnese themselves. Likewise with Indonesian Protestantism (Batak Church, Baptist, Methodist) and significant though less pronounced variations of Catholicism, Budhism, Hinduism, as well as Confucianism. Eclectism and syncretism were the keys to healthy pluralism and mutual tolerance.

It is also important to remember that Indonesia, though the country with largest number of Muslims” is not “an Islamic state”, a distinction clearly made when Indonesia was accepted as a member of the Organization of Islamic Conference. (Indonesians take note of the fact that the OIC was never set up as an organization in which each state had implanted the Islamic faith as its sole basis of state identity).

In the event, the recent debates resurfaced on the question of emphasis. Non-Muslims and minority groups adherence to the “plurality and tolerant values” is seen as affirming the need to remind Islamist groups of the origins of Indonesian identity; Islamist groups, on the other hand, perceive increase of “market globalization, secularization and loss of moral values” as encroachments on their notion of ” the central message of Islam, which is social justice ” for the vast majority who remain poor and desperate” and to which Islam “provide outreach and solace.”

Doubtless the debates on these issues will be discussed in the upcoming International Conference of Islamic Scholars (ICIS) in Jakarta, June 20-21, which will be officially opened by President Yudhoyono at the Jakarta Convention Center. My own feeling is that the rehashing of philosophical and values debates urgently need to be followed on by something more tangible on the ground. Inter-faith dialogues, including matters relating to “Islam-West relations”, have had considerable play in many forums across the Middle East, North America, Europe and Asia.

How about following up these dialogue forums with “projects on inter-faith employment” funded jointly by Islamic and Western multilateral aid agencies and donor governments. After all, when all the debates and discussions are said and done, what young people especially poor Muslims across the developing world__ really need are jobs, jobs, jobs. Jobs will to retain their sense of identity and regain their dignity. Employment will readily reduce their sense of humiliation and enhance their sense of individual self-worth.